From the Margins to the Centre: Why Syria’s Transition Must Recognise Women Mediators
Women mediators in Syria did not wait for a peace agreement to start their work. Since the revolution began, they have been laying the groundwork for peace, one conversation at a time—in their neighbourhoods, villages and displacement camps. For them, an “inclusive transition” is not an abstract policy term; it is a lifeline for communities torn apart by war.
In an increasingly fragmented Syria, women have been the invisible glue holding communities together. They have stepped in to mediate when returnees clashed with host communities, when disputes over land and water threatened stability, and when weapons became the only language of negotiation. Yet, despite their critical role, they remain largely excluded from formal mediation and peacebuilding efforts.
This is not a new pattern. Women have been sidelined by both the regime and the opposition, by local communities and international actors alike. They have been excluded from official peace talks, legal processes and governance structures—even informal ones. And yet, they have pushed boundaries, forcing their way into spaces that were never meant for them. But their struggle is far from over.
Recognition must replace tokenism. Women mediators have the expertise, the experience and the trust of their communities. Their role in shaping Syria’s future must go beyond symbolic representation—they need real power to drive meaningful change at both local and national levels.
As Syria enters a transitional phase, women must be central to the preparatory committees of the national dialogue conference. Their participation in the conference itself must not be conditional or superficial—it must be guaranteed. They should take an active part in constitution writing. And more… While the new Syrian Interim President, Mr. Ahmad Al Shara’, has acknowledged the importance of women’s participation, words alone are not enough. The real test will be whether women are present at all levels of decision-making, influencing the very policies that will shape Syria’s future.
An inclusive transition must not just invite women into the room—it must dismantle the structures that have excluded them for decades. This means legal recognition of women’s mediation work, sustained funding for grassroots peacebuilding, and institutional guarantees for their leadership.
Women are not just participants in Syria’s future; they are its architects. The question is not whether they belong at the table—it is whether those in power will finally acknowledge that without them, peace will remain out of reach.
Voices that heal: The (mis)recognition of women’s role in mediation
Syria is currently undergoing a fragile transition following the December 8 dissolution of power, which had been dominated by the Assad family for over half a century. In this context, legitimate and essential demands for transitional justice have emerged—demands without which true civil peace cannot be achieved. At the same time, Syrians are actively engaging in discussions about how to confront and process the memory of war and the past in general.
Key questions arise: What will become of Saydnaya prison? What about other detention centres? While these structural questions are complex, they are often easier to address than those concerning specific events. How will Syrians remember a particular massacre? Each individual forms their own perspective on which aspects of memory should be preserved or erased and proposes different ways to address them.
What is often overlooked in these discussions is that civil peace depends on a broad consensus among Syrians—not only regarding the fate of prisons or the commemoration of specific events but also on how to reconcile competing collective memories. Building such a consensus is a long-term process. It does not mean suppressing emotions or reducing experiences to a binary of “for” or “against”. Rather, it requires the ability to acknowledge, understand and empathise with narratives different from our own, without denying our personal histories.
Women mediators have played—and will continue to play—a crucial role in achieving this kind of consensus. Mediation demands deep empathy, the skill to nurture meaningful dialogue, and a dedication to forging agreements that do not create winners and losers. These are skills that Syrian women have historically exercised within their homes, communities, homeland and international forums. Today, it is essential to recognise these mediators in ways that align with the Syrian context. They must be actively identified and supported, as many exist but remain invisible due to rigid frameworks that define mediation in narrow, exclusionary terms. Traditional selection criteria—such as university degrees, fluency in English, participation in international forums, or the use of imported civil society jargon—often overlook the real mediators on the ground.
Instead, we must acknowledge these women, document their stories and support their mediation efforts to strengthen peacebuilding in Syria. Syrian women mediators have always existed, yet their contributions remain largely undocumented. The real question today is not simply how many women will be included in the next parliament, but whether that parliament—and international platforms—will be capable of adopting truly inclusive approaches. Inclusion does not mean token representation; it means ensuring that their voices have a real impact on decision-making at all levels—economic, political and legislative—so that they shape the present and future of the country directly, without the need for national or international intermediaries.
These women include those who have successfully convinced even the most oppressive authorities of the necessity of their work in traditionally male-dominated sectors. They are the ones who have delved into collective memory, rediscovering shared folk narratives that once united villages—now divided by conflict and hardened antagonisms.
They are also the mothers who, holding their sons—young men consumed by violence—sang them childhood lullabies, their own tears mingling with those of other grieving mothers.
Lastly, but certainly not least, they include women who have participated in high-level national and international negotiations, only to have their perspectives ignored or co-opted through patriarchal judgments that diminished their contributions simply because they were women.
A truly inclusive transition in Syria must recognise and empower these women mediators, ensuring that their voices are not just heard but actively shape the country’s future.
Women’s inevitable role in shaping Syria’s future
Since the start of the 2011 revolution in Syria, women have been organising themselves to play an effective role in the in the fight for peace and democracy in the new transitional Syria. Throughout the 13 years of war, Syrian women have endured unspeakable disasters from the Syrian regime and different actors, while being deprived of their rights, including their rights to participate. Syrian women activists and Women’s Rights Organisations have continuously advocated and campaigned for the inclusion and participation of women in the peace process, and at all levels.
During the last decade, it has become obvious, more than ever, how women are the pillars of the Syrian society, keeping families together, providing services and needs essential for the survival of local communities, amid the collapse of institutions and the chaos that prevailed. Yet, women have often been marginalised, sidelined and denied the opportunity to participate, and have their voices heard in the different negotiations and peace processes that have taken place over the years.
In a country that is devastated by 13 years of war, and with over 90 per cent of people living in poverty, we Syrians do not have the “luxury” to exclude women’s participation in all walks of life. On the contrary, we must include all groups of the community in development, to reflect a diverse and pluralistic society.
In practice, inclusive transition means ensuring that: 1) women are represented, impactfully, at all levels of the decision-making process, and in all senior posts, at a minimum 30 per cent meaningful participation, which should gradually increase to equal participation; 2) all strategic plans, policies and programmes to be established by the government are gender-responsive, aiming to mainstream women; and 3) the new constitution and laws are gender-sensitive and guarantee the minimum quota of women’s participation.
